The Unintended Forged Alliance

The Philippine Insurrection Regarding the Solidarity Between African-American Soldiers and the Filipino People

By Leslie Jacquez

The United States began having issues with the brutality Spain was enforcing to stop Cuba from gaining their independence. Additionally, many historians note that the U.S. wanted to become the powerhouse of the Western Hemisphere, to follow in the steps of European imperialism, and Spain was the only country left in the way of achieving that goal. After the Spanish-American War was over, the U.S. set their eyes on the Philippines with the intention to expand their imperialism and nationalism. Before that occurred, the Filipino community also gained nationalism and began a revolt, which ended in a truce with Spain. After the truce, the U.S. and the Filipinos, under the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo, became allies, and together they quickly defeated the Spanish fleet. However, the victory was fleeting for the Filipinos, as by the end of the year the Treaty of Paris was signed on December 10, 1898. Afterwards, Spain ceded the Philippine Islands to the United States. This treaty, as well as the Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation from President William McKinley, began the tension between the two parties.

Historians have debated the controversy on whether or not the actions committed by American foot soldiers and officers were justified, considering that they were facing guerrilla warfare. Although after much information was found on the subject, myriad scholars can say that the Filipino-American War end result had one of the largest ironies, since what initially made the U.S. government intervene in Cuba was for humanitarian reasons. The U.S. government wanted to protect Cubans from the actions committed by Spain, however those actions were repeated and ended up occurring in the Philippines, and this time from the U.S military. Furthermore, the United States Government broadcasted the Philippine Insurrection to the American people as liberating the Filipino community from the grasp of the Spanish by giving them liberty and protection. When in reality the U.S. simply wanted to expand their military imperialism into a country in Asia. The actions committed by white military officers against Filipino civilians and soldiers led to unspeakable atrocities, such as “water torture, the rope cure, concentration camps, the diet of salt fish,” and many more with long term dreadful impacts.^[1] Additionally, the acts were justified by the U.S. military amid the guerrilla warfare tactics from the Filipinos, however African American soldiers also suffered from some of these criminal acts, and they were not the U.S. military’s enemy. African Americans were new members to the U.S. military who proved their might and strength during the Spanish-American War, the Buffalo soldiers were also sent to serve in the Philippines. The racially motivated actions African American soldiers saw and faced from their own brothers-in-arms led them to sympathize more with the Filipino community. During the Philippine Insurrection from 1899-1902, there was an alliance created between African American soldiers and the Filipino people through their shared experiences with the U.S. racist beliefs towards people of color’s lack of self-determination and from white American soldier’s prejudices and imperialist mindset.  

Caucasian soldiers believed that their actions were falsely narrated in the media and overexaggerated. Accounts from American soldiers and officers displayed that the actions committed were taken out of context and were justifiable with the actions of the Filipino military. In one account from Jacob Isselhard, a Corporal, who served in the Philippine-American War who then went and published his narrative shortly after the War called The Filipino in Every-day Life; An interesting and intrusive narrative of the personal observations of an American soldier during the late Philippine Insurrection. He adds much insight into how the civilians lived and their traditions. One thing Isselhard does set in stone is that the “alleged disgraceful deportment of our troops in their intercourse with the natives, the alleged wanton killing by them of defenseless women and children and professed friendly natives during active campaigning, the alleged desecration of places of worship” are nothing but false accusations and “gross exaggerations.”^[2] He does clarify that there were probably black sheep in the military as he cannot have personally known each member of the U.S. military, and furthermore includes that “to deny individual outrages and depredations would be to invite ridicule.”^[3] However, he stands his ground that Filipino women and other friendly natives were treated with fairness and were “considerate as could be expected only of the soldier ‘U. S. A..’”^[4] Although the treatment of natives was “fair,” it was not kind. The author believes in the morals of a true American Soldier and the higher standard of values they had would not condone a soldier to act in any other way besides choosing the just path.

However, these true American soldiers carried along the same racial prejudices from the U.S. of their belief of the inferiority of people of color. Additionally, this racial prejudice set the view American soldiers had on the native Filipinos that can alter the interpretations of the native’s actions differently. Isselhard includes that he does not believe that Filipinos are fully innocent nor defenseless. He argues that Filipinos had put up a false front in front of officers and got out of any trouble. An example of a more day-to-day situation was newly arrived American recruits visiting native storekeepers, usually for tobacco. When they walked in the author mentions how they were usually in a hurry and “shout for Sixty cents Mexican, change in a hurry” that led to fraud as the owner would have “no change” but also refused to allow them to leave with any merchandise on credit.^[5] Since the American recruit desired the tobacco he “trusted” the owner to give him back his change next time he came by, however that is when the owner would pretend to have the “faintest recollection of the transaction” and to scam their money.^[6] The author claims that the soldiers received punishment from their commanders when he believed the Filipino owner should have been the one punished. This further demonstrates Isselhard’s racially prejudiced mindset by calling Filipinos Mexicans, although he knew he was not in Mexico and decided that all brown skinned people can be grouped under one category. Additionally, his assumption that a storekeeper should automatically give him the benefit of the doubt in handing out his merchandise is another example of his privilege amid the degree Isselhard is accustomed to in the U.S. that his African American brothers-in-arms would not be able to connect to. Overall, Isselhard demonstrates that the criticism of the soldiers is unwarranted especially when they went over to protect the rights, freedoms, and protections of the Filipino people.

Although the U.S. and Philippines began as allies, the miscommunication and confusion between both parties allowed for the mistrust to grow into viewing each other as evil and unjust enemies. The sentiments from the Philippines were known from the start, they wanted to become an independent nation. One of the first and major examples of miscommunications between the two was during a meeting after the victory of May 1898 where “Aguinaldo asserted that Dewey gave him promises of support for an independent Philippine Republic; Dewey subsequently denied this.”^[7] Although the public will probably never know the truth of what was said during the meeting, it displayed the start of misunderstandings. Furthermore, once the plans the U.S. had for the Islands became clear, soldiers from both sides would “push each other off of sidewalks,” and American soldiers would address “Filipinos using racist derogatory terms and Filipinos threatened Americans by making slashing motions across their throats.”^[8] This displayed that both parties committed acts against each other, each party essentially responding to the other group. Another example that separated American soldiers from Filipino soldiers was their identity and belief system.

As McCallus stated, “patriotism and devotion to service” was what fueled the spirits of the recruits, additionally they received heavy education regarding the white man being the superior race as Theodore Roosevelt worded it “the savage war– a war against an inferior race– as being a righteous war,” that would “eventually raise the barbarian people through tutelage and progress.”^[9] These were the words of encouragement given to the American recruits to complete their service, and also displayed the racial prejudice they had before even coming to the Philippines. Moreover, in the poem The White Man’s Burden demonstrates how the U.S. military truly viewed the Filipinos as their “new-caught, sullen peoples, Half-devil and half-child.”^[10] Since the American soldiers believed they were the superior race, they did not deem the rights of Filipino natives significant nor bother enough to have helped them improve the native’s living conditions. The U.S. military only proclaimed their intervention as an action they coveted amid their liberty values, however the reality was to gain control of a territory in Asia and spread the United States’ imperialism. The belief that Caucasians were the superior race was seen as the true American merit, nonetheless if Filipinos wanted to proclaim that they were the superior race then they would be derogated as savages. The U.S. military was there to take control of a nation who in their eyes were unable to govern themselves. There was discussion of a possible “joint occupation of Manila,” however the U.S. refused but promised“ rigid protection to all in personal religion; municipal laws, tribunals and local institutions for punishment of crime” under the “supervision of American generals.”^[11] Nonetheless, the main Filipino objective of freedom rights was not going to be permitted under U.S. governmental leaders; their viewpoint would not change to allow Filipinos to govern themselves. Amid the belief of Americans being the more civilized race, the U.S. military believed that by governing the Philippines they would set the example of more prosperity and peace. There was no justification for their beliefs. Overall, white soldiers were taught to utilize patriotism and nationalism to justify their racial superiority, not just referring to their superiority over the Filipinos, but any race including African Americans.

In the U.S. during the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century African Americans continuously faced discrimination, not just in the military, and segregation. The African American soldiers who were brothers-in-arms with white American soldiers treated them the same way they treated the enemy. In their justification for their actions, they believed that “African-Americans and Filipinos were bound by their common disenfranchisement, neither regarded to be capable of full political participation and self-determination.”^[12] Amid their belief since neither race were able to provide adequate leadership nor self-determination the U.S. had to be administering them. For instance, while Theodore Roosevelt was reflecting, he commented on how African American soldiers were most likely to have “misconduct when white officers were not present.”^[13] The white military leaders spread false and biased rumors in order to maintain their control on African American soldiers. The racism did not end at only those comments either, instead of a normal greeting to African American soldiers, white soldiers made horrific comments like “hello nigger” or “use epithets to replace a salute for an African-American officer.”^[14] These harsh stabbing words turned into physical violence as many white soldiers attacked African Americans like “F.E. Green,” who was a “discharged sergeant from the 25th Infantry, narrowly escaped death when several intoxicated members of company I chased him… and struck him” and Green would have died if it was not for the “sergeant” on guard arriving in time.^[15] Unfortunately, in many ways Filipinos and African Americans were more similar than African Americans and Caucasians are. Both races faced lynching from white foot soldiers who received their “cues from their superiors.”^[16] It is difficult to find justification for their actions as Isselhard extended for while more soldiers like “Private Jack Ganzhorn boasted about an instance when the General ordered two Filipino prisoners lynched without a trail or hearing,” however one of the ways they tried to justify their actions was by claiming it was simply an act of war and the prisoners were the enemy.^[17] Nonetheless, they were tried without trial and received a harsher punishment that is only given to “niggers,” which white soldiers associated the derogatory term to both native Filipinos and African Americans. Scot Nogzi-Brown, a Ph.D. candidate at Cornell University, declared that it was not enough justification. He believed American soldiers and officers simply brought over the treatment of colored people and wanted to enforce the same superiority that white Americans had back in the States in the Philippines.

Once African Americans became more acquainted and connected to the Filipinos, they realized that they were defending the wrong side and fighting alongside the wrong group of people. There are a few “black defectors” who deserted the army.^[18] One example is of David Fagan, “who was a private in the 24th Infantry” who had already been “experiencing difficulties with his superiors” prior to him leaving, and his final push was “Emilio Aguinaldo pronouncement to African American troops advocating solidarity against white oppressors and by offering commissions to defectors.”^[19] The message was spread on a placard in which he included the message “Your friends the Filipinos give you this good warning. You must consider your situation and your history. And take charge that the blood of your brothers Sam Hose and Gray proclaim vengeance.”^[20] Fagan felt so much oppression from his white military superiors that he reached the point of deserting his countrymen. Additionally, once Fagan joined the insurgents, “he was made an officer” and now could “command respect” among his peers when he previously could not.^[21] Another example is “the case of Sergeant-Major John W. Calloway” who formed a special acquaintance with “Tomas Consunji.”^[22] He did not leave the U.S military as Fagan did Calloway actually just wrote a letter dated on “5 February 1900” expressing his empathy for the restriction of liberties of the Filipino people, and tries to give Mr. Consunji hope by saying “I know you will feel this is very drawn in the face of your being denied liberty of action, but that will come. Mark well my words!”^[23] However, although there was no actual writing of Calloway planning to “revolt” or commit “treason” the U.S Army officials treated it as such and arrested him without “a proper hearing.”^[24] This robbed Calloway of his promising military career as he had a high-enlisting rank and had earned the trust of his officers.^[25] This also displayed the mistrust the U.S military had towards African American soldiers, even higher-ranking ones. As well as, his punishment created anxiety among African American soldiers in being wary when speaking out in relevance to the Filipinos, since they could easily face the same or harsher consequences. As “Sergeant Patrick Mason” expressed “I must not say much as I am a soldier.”^[26] On the other hand, the solidarity formed between African American soldiers and Filipinos seemed a total surprise to the American government and officers, however their own prejudiced beliefs blinded them from perceiving how their harsh treatment allowed them to bond. Both African American soldiers and Filipinos pitied each other on how they were treated by white Americans, this is especially displayed from Filipinos as in a letter an anonymous soldier “serving in the 25th Infantry published in the 3 February 1900” expressed that the main reason as to why “Filipinos resisted U.S control because they [do] not want a Jim Crow car, they do not want hotels where they will be refused admission on account of their color.”^[27] Filipinos feared that the same inhumane laws in the U.S. would be implemented against them in their own country.

Overall, there was a strong solidarity and alliance that formed between African Americans and Filipinos amid the way Caucasian soldiers treated people of color. They understood each other without even speaking the same language, as a consequence that both African Americans and Filipinos understood how it felt to be a second-class citizen in their country. As well, not even being considered human by white Americans instead they were deemed “savages.”^[28] Both groups only wished the best for each other and wished to be able to receive humane treatment from their superiors. At the end of the war,“ a large number of African-American soldiers married Filipino women, and a significant number of them remained in the Philippines after the war and stayed with their Filipino families.”^[29] The solidarity formed changed the lives of many African American soldiers along with the creation of their new families in the Philippines.

The way the Philippine Insurrection has been interpreted and viewed in the U.S. in terms of imperialism and the information released after the war has changed over the years. During the war and years following the insurrection was seen as a successful “conquest of the Philippines” and the perfect time to spread American colonialism.^[30] After the war there were few individual accounts from the soldiers in the war like Jacob Isselhard. Following many decades, the Philippines gained their independence from the U.S. in 1946 and created the formation of the Republic of the Philippines. Moreover, since information regarding the insurrection was scarce in the 1950s it was a “rare thing to find a body of source material on any one of these revolts so extensive and so useful as the collection which was used by Captain Taylor,” and without full information secondary interpretation was limited.^[31] Once more information was released in the 1970s the public knew more about the actions and torture committed by white soldiers against Filipinos, like for instance the “water cure,” involving consistent drownings stopping before the individual passes out, that was used to “extort information from the soldiers and sympathizers of Emilio Aguinaldo.”^[32] In addition, news was released that the U.S. military was keeping information from being published during the war. Scholars have spoken out regarding the insurrection voicing that although the “Philippine-American War is often regarded or mentioned as a ‘footnote’ to the Spanish-Cuban-American War” it is not a part of history that should be “sealed.”^[33]

All in all, the United States was determined to display their military and colonial strengths during this period of the Spanish-American war and the Philippine-American war. The U.S. military justified their intervention by asserting that people of color lack self-determination and the ability to rule themselves. American soldiers arrived in the Philippines with racial superiority and prejudices towards African American brothers-in-arms and the Filipino community. White soldiers had the advantage over Filipinos and began committing many war crimes, even harsher than Filipinos who were utilizing guerilla warfare tactics. Additionally, white soldiers would treat African American soldiers as if they were also their enemies, even though they were on the same fighting side. The racist attitudes and belief in being the superior race led white soldiers to push many African Americans to side and bond more with the Filipino community than their own brothers-in-arms. This solidarity changed the course of their lives for many African American soldiers.     

^[1] Welch, Richard E. “American Atrocities in the Philippines: The Indictment and the Response.” Pacific Historical Review43, no. 2 (1974): 233–53. https://doi.org/10.2307/3637551. Page 235-238

^[2] Isselhard, Jacob The Filipino in Every-day Life; An interesting and intrusive narrative of the personal observations of an American soldier during the late Philippine Insurrection (Chicago,IL: Fred Klien Co., 1904) page 100

^[3] Ibid.

^[4] Isselhard, The Filipino in Every-day Life, pg. 101

^[5] Ibid.

^[6] Isselhard, The Filipino in Every-day Life, pg. 41-43

^[7] Russell, Timothy “‘I FEEL SORRY FOR THESE PEOPLE’: AFRICAN AMERICAN SOLDIERS IN THE PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN WAR, 1899–1902.” The Journal of African American History 99, no. 3 (2014): 197–222. https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.99.3.0197. page 200

^[8] Russell, African American Soldiers in the Philippine-American War, pg. 202

^[9] McCallus, Joseph, Forgotten under a Tropical Sun 1st ed. (2017) page 30-31

^[10] Kipling, Rudyard. The White Man’s Burden (1899).

^[11] The Madison Daily Leader. (Madison, South Dakota), August 19, 1898. Page 2

^[12] Ngozi-Brown, Scot. “African-American Soldiers and Filipinos: Racial Imperialism, Jim Crow and Social Relations.” The Journal of Negro History 82, no. 1 (1997): 42–53. https://doi.org/10.2307/2717495. page 44

^[13] Ibid.

^[14] Nogzi-Brown, African-American Soldiers and Filipinos: Racial Imperialism, Jim Crow and Social Relations, pg. 45

^[15] Ibid.

^[16] Nogzi-Brown, Scot. African-American Soldiers and Filipinos: Racial Imperialism, Jim Crow and Social Relations, pg. 45

^[17] Ibid.

^[18] Russell, Timothy. African American Soldiers in the Philippine-American War, pg. 207

^[19] Ibid.

^[20] The Richard Planet, November 11, 1899. Page 8. Sam Hose was an African-American man who was tortured and lynched in Newnan, Georgia.  

^[21] Russell, Timothy. African American Soldiers in the Philippine-American War (2014) pg. 207

^[22] Ibid. 209

^[23] Ibid.

^[24] Ibid. 210

^[25] Ibid.

^[26] Nogzi-Brown, African-American Soldiers and Filipinos: Racial Imperialism, Jim Crow and Social Relations, pg. 46

^[27] Russell, Timothy. African American Soldiers in the Philippine-American War (2014) pg. 210

^[28] McCallus, Joseph, Forgotten under a Tropical Sun 1st ed. (2017) page 31

^[29] Nogzi-Brown, African-American Soldiers and Filipinos: Racial Imperialism, Jim Crow and Social Relations, pg. 47

^[30] Aquino, Rowena Santos. “Unremembering and Re-Membering the Philippine-American War through the Composite Bodies of Reenactment.” Verge: Studies in Global Asias 5, no. 2 (2019): 132–55. https://doi.org/10.5749/vergstudglobasia.5.2.0132. Page 132

^[31] Farrell, John T. “An Abandoned Approach to Philippine History: John R. M. Taylor and the Philippine Insurrection Records.” The Catholic Historical Review 39, no. 4 (1954): 385–407. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25015651. Page 407

^[32] Welch, Richard E. “American Atrocities in the Philippines: The Indictment and the Response.” Pacific Historical Review 43, no. 2 (1974): 233–53. https://doi.org/10.2307/3637551. Page 235

^[33] Aquino, Rowena Santos. “Unremembering and Re-Membering the Philippine-American War through the Composite Bodies of Reenactment.” Verge: Studies in Global Asias 5, no. 2 (2019): 132–55. https://doi.org/10.5749/vergstudglobasia.5.2.0132. Page 136